
https://truth-zone.net/forum/gaia-s-for ... onism.html
Thanks for the reply and the link to your thread!
Firestarter wrote: ↑Sun Nov 11, 2018 6:29 pmWilliam Engdahl – A Century of War; Anglo-American Oil Politics and the New World Order (first published in 1992, but updated since): http://www.takeoverworld.info/pdf/Engda ... r_book.pdf
The aim of this series is primarily to enlighten the intelligent public as to the probabilities of a future war in its various spheres…
It should now be possible, it is hoped, to see fairly clearly what amount of offensive propaganda will be practicable in the next war and the methods by which it is to be pressed. At the same time it will, for obvious reasons, not be desirable to inquire too closely into the subject, especially so far as it concerns action toward the enemy.
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Though we are not unfavorably placed, we shall require to do much propaganda to keep the United States benevolently neutral. To persuade her to take our part will be much more difficult, so difficult as to be unlikely to succeed. It will need a definite threat to America, a threat, moreover, which will have to be brought home by propaganda to every citizen, before the Republic will again take arms in an external quarrel.
The position will naturally be considerably eased if Japan were involved, and this might and probably would bring America in without further ado. At any rate, it would be a natural and obvious object of our propagandists to achieve this, just as during the Great War they succeeded in embroiling the United States With Germany.
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I think we would probably find something very interesting if we could have access to the lists of foreign educators and lecturers who have been spreading themselves out over America during the last couple of months. I hope to be prepared with such a list at an early date.
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There can be no doubt that the next war will be billed as a fight between democracy and dictatorship.
It may in fact be nothing of the sort. We might get Italy as a partner and Germany Belgium; authoritarian Portugal is likely to come in with us and the democratic Scandinavian countries may well remain strictly neutral. In the ultimate resort, alliances spring from the hope of material advantage, not the possession of a common ideological belief, but in our propaganda we must make the facts fit our case as far as possible. We shall almost certainly represent the struggle in the propaganda we shall be compelled to do toward France, the United States of America, and our own Empire as democracy and freedom versus dictatorship and persecution.
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As propaganda must be unified, how are we to pursue the energetic policy we should to the neutrals, many of whom, like Spain, Portugal, Greece, and Turkey are so vital to us? We cannot speak with two voices in our propaganda. This, of course, applies to what, borrowing a military adjective, I may call the grand propaganda.
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There remains the United States-the great neutral. In the next war, as in the last, the result will probably depend upon the way in which the United States acts, and her attitude will reflect the reaction of her public to propaganda properly applied.
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Secondly, the American peoples are still under the influence of much of the Great War propaganda. They are more susceptible than most peoples to mass suggestion-they have been brought up on it-and since 1918 they have shut themselves off from reality. Thirdly, they are at this moment the battleground of an active propaganda of labels.
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Though we are not unfavorably placed, we shall require to do much propaganda to keep the United States benevolently neutral. To persuade her to take our part will be much more difficult, so difficult as to be unlikely to succeed. It will need a definite threat to America, a threat, moreover, which will have to be brought home by propaganda to every citizen, before the Republic will again take arms in an external quarrel.
The position will naturally be considerably eased if Japan were involved and this might and probably would bring America in without further ado. At any rate, it would be a natural and obvious object of our propagandists to achieve this, just as during the great war they succeeded in embroiling the United States with Germany.
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It is on this account that I began by saying that it is reasonable to argue that the next war will not favor the development of propaganda directly against the enemy; but, as I have stressed throughout, if it should develop into a war of attrition, propaganda will come into its own again. Some constructive idea would then almost certainly be thrown up; and we shall have men clever enough, I hope, to seize on this and exploit it.
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I suggest, therefore, that this sense of inferiority may be played upon and that our propaganda should stress to the Germans their ignorance. There must be no blame laid on their leaders. On the contrary, these must be extolled for their ability in difficult circumstances, the implication being that they, too, are ignorant of what the world is thinking.
I say, Mr. President, these plans that are British to take the United States into Britain’s next war, whatever the cause of that war may be, are unbelievable. If I were to stand here and say that Great Britain hopes that in her next war Japan will be opposed to her, Senators would rise and demand to know the authority for any such statement; but the truth of the matter is that Great Britain’s minds today are anticipating that the one easy, sure way to involve the United States on the side of Britain in another war is to have Japan arrayed against Great Britain in that conflict. The easy way to get us into the next conflict that they think is coming is to have our alleged prejudices against the Japanese appealed to.
Donovan accuses me of having intrigued and driven him into the appointment. You can imagine how relieved I am after months of battle and jockeying for position in Washington that our man is in a position of such importance to our efforts.